Democracy SOS

For democracy to function, it must enable citizens to participate meaningfully in shaping their own governance. But for too long, there has been inadequate support or safeguards to connect the public to the making of public policies. People have been hindered by the lack of reliable information, and marginalised by those with far greater financial resources. The electoral system is too easily subverted by those who make lying and incitement their core strategy.

To save democracy from manipulative authoritarians, urgent action needs to be taken. Experts have put forward a range of proposals on what should be done. These are brought together in Democracy SOS, which is being presented to politicians and democratic advocates in the UK as a comprehensive guide to the key reforms. A summary of the 8-point action plan for government bodies to implement is set out below.

[1] Democracy & Learning 

Ignorance is not bliss. People need to know how democracy is meant to work if democracy is going to work. Better support should be given to: citizenship education in schools; university involvement in raising public understanding of political and public policy issues; adult education in democracy and active citizenship; training for politicians and public officials in democratic engagement; and courses on democratic skills run by voluntary and community groups.

[2] Democracy & Information

Disinformation subverts public understanding. People surrounded by lies and distortions cannot appraise policy options reliably. Effective safeguards should be put in place to: restrain the spread of false and unfounded information via online platforms, print and broadcast media; protect public service broadcasters; secure full transparency for the funding of those issuing research findings; and support independent fact-checking and accreditation of reporters.

[3] Democracy & Voting

Every vote ought to count. But in practice many people are held back from or put off voting by obstacles in the system. Action should be taken to: adopt automatic voter registration; replace first-past-the-post by a form of proportional representational system; remove voter photo ID requirements; address issues with boundary reviews; and strengthen the independence and powers of the Electoral Commission.

[4] Democracy & Deliberative Engagement

Division can only be bridged by dialogue. People identify common interests when they are able to share their ideas and concerns together. Investment should be provided to: expand community development capacity in public service; strengthen local government’s role in bringing communities together; support community organising; and increase the use of deliberative engagement techniques.

[5] Democracy & Subsidiarity

Remote decision-makers alienate communities. People want power to be exercised as close and responsive to them as possible. Commitments should be made to: devolve more real powers to all sub-national levels; raise awareness of what those with devolved powers do; strengthen local and neighbourhood democracy; support the voluntary and community sector’s democratic role; and improve public understanding of transnational governance.

[6] Democracy & Economic Inequalities

Disparity in wealth undercuts civic equality. People’s democratic influence diminishes when faced with the power of rich individuals and corporations. Reforms should be introduced to: curtail money’s impact on political decisions; prioritise the needs of deprived areas; tackle tax evasion and loopholes; require those with the most to pay more for the public good; limit the wealthy buying up media control; and establish a universal basic income.

[7] Democracy & Accountability

Those with authority must be answerable to the public. People cannot have confidence in those holding public office who can seemingly act with impunity. Changes should be brought in to: penalise deceptive communications; widen the application of recall procedures; provide a democratic basis for the second chamber; strengthen the independence and powers of the Information Commissioner’s Office; and enhance the accountability for public procurement.

[8] Democracy & Civil Rights

No one can be allowed to override our basic rights. People should respect majority decisions, but only if no one can be arbitrarily harmed or silenced. Protection should be enhanced by: removing any law that may stop people criticising state policies peacefully; curtailing attempts to incite hate and anger against minorities; securing commitment to the rule of law; guaranteeing basic human rights for all; and funding independent non-profit providers of legal advice.

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The above extract is taken from Democracy SOS, published by Citizen Network in association with Unlock Democracy and Compass – © Henry Tam 2025.

For the full text, go to Citizen Network: https://citizen-network.org/library/democracy-sos.html (Democracy SOS brings together proposals relating to the political situation in the UK. Its eight core principles, however, can be applied to democratic development in other countries).

Perceived-Identity Prejudice

There are heated debates about whether or not what some people regard as ‘racism’ is really racism. But why don’t we focus more on what we want to prevent.

Whenever people come across someone with a ‘foreign sounding’ name, certain skin-tone, a non-native accent, an attachment to different customs – and they project an identity with negative features onto that person, we have a objectionable case of perceived-identity prejudice.

A difficulty with the term ‘racism’ is that it carries the connotation that it is essentially about a ‘race’-related problem. But there are no distinct races – no genetic factors that can differentiate any of the so-called ‘racial groups’ from others. Differences such as blood types, physical strengths, intelligence levels are found within each ‘group’ but not across them. The prejudicial distrust, dislike, or hatred even, that is at the heart of racism (as commonly understood) is not in fact connected with any biologically meaningful notion of ‘race’, but with perceived identities which may or may not include skin tones or facial structures.

Some individuals think that the prejudice against certain type of people is worse/more contemptible than prejudice against other types of people. For example, some have suggested that because of things such as past segregation in the US and recurring incidents of abusive treatment of Black people in the criminal justice system, prejudice against Black people is the most heinous form of racism. Others have pointed to the Holocaust and maintained that antisemitism is the most evil form of prejudice. The vile experiences endured by countless innocent Muslims following the 9/11 terrorist attack testify to the spread and intensity of Islamophobia. And many contemporary equality campaigners would point out that across Europe today Gypsies and Travellers suffer hateful discrimination to an extent not tolerated in relation to any other group of people. 

But should there even be a hierarchy of perceived identity prejudice (with one ranking as the worst of all time, and some dismissed as ‘not really racism’)? Prejudiced attitudes can manifest themselves in different ways, by different people, at different times. One manifestation at a historical moment may rightly be treated as unforgivably cruel. But that does not mean any other manifestation in connection with any group with a different perceived identity must be less serious. 

If we want to track and counter perceived identity prejudice in whatever form it manifests itself, and calibrate our response appropriately in relation to the actual threat, we need to focus on the likely perpetrators and the harm they are poised to inflict.

References to historical events are important reminders of how prejudices can arise and how destructive they can be. But while single events may be more dramatic to recount, the lessons are more powerfully conveyed when we look at issues over time – the treatment of Gypsies, Jews, Blacks, Native Americans, etc., over centuries. 

We also need a wide perspective so we don’t end up forming prejudiced views of the nature of prejudice. At its roots, perceived-identity prejudice is rarely a black or white issue. For example, there are many inter-tribal prejudices across Africa and Asia that fuelled distrust and conflicts; nasty discrimination can be found against people with perceived identities (associated with languages, religions, customs, but not with any ‘racial’ characteristics) in the East as much as the West; and the prejudice-infused atrocities committed by invading armies (the English against the people of Ireland in the 17^th century; Japanese soldiers against Chinese civilians in the 1930s/40s; Serbian forces against Bosnians in the 1990s; and many others). There isn’t one form of racist prejudice that should get the utmost attention for all time. There are many sources of unjustifiable distrust and hate, and we need to tackle them in whatever form they surface here and now.