National Insurance Plus: a policy for jobs

There are two narratives on jobs doing the rounds. One makes some long-term sense but has little appeal for here and now. The other gives false hope to many and risks damaging consequences down the line. In recent decades, people haunted by job insecurity and pay inadequacy have been increasingly desperate for answers, and many elections have been won by ‘populists’ who promise quick fixes which are mostly counter-productive. But will asking people to wait patiently for grand improvements to come help to win their electoral support?

Let us look at the ‘Invest in the Future’ narrative, which basically runs like this: the economy is changing fast as a result of technological, environmental, and geopolitical factors. Some jobs will disappear. Some will not pay so well anymore. But the government will lead the way in getting investment into high-potential sectors which will offer plenty of quality, sustainable, and well-paid jobs in areas such as renewable energy, computer technology, life sciences, healthcare, financial services, construction, creative industries, and advanced manufacturing (involving robotics). These sectors will grow and flourish, and with them, good jobs will follow. But when will all this happen? Who will be suitable to get these jobs? Could it be that one waits for years only to find that one is not qualified for any of them?

The other narrative brushes all this aside. Its core ‘Blame Scapegoats’ messages are: people will have many job opportunities to explore once the obstacles are removed – and what are these obstacles? Immigrants who should not be here to take your jobs; environmental (‘net zero’) legislation that ends so many jobs; ‘red tape’ and unnecessary standards that hold back job creation; ‘high’ levels of benefits that make it difficult for employers to offer jobs with attractive enough pay. In short, get rid of scapegoats and basic support for people to survive hard times, and the jobs will come (with barely subsistent pay, dreadful working conditions, harmful impact on society, or demanding requirements that employers have so far needed to look abroad to find people to meet).

If people are not to be put off by the ‘Invest in the Future’ narrative, or get taken in by the ‘Blame Scapegoats’ snake-oil pitch, something else is needed. And that could be National Insurance Plus, a scheme to give every worker and anyone who joins a recognised paid training programme a NI+membership that entitles them to a lifetime support in taking up and transitioning between jobs.  

NI+ works as an expanded version of national insurance scheme, with contributions from workers and employers, and support provided in return in the form of advice on job opportunities and skills development, arrangements to take on work of value to the community when there is no commercial job offer available, guidance and training for likely jobs that are suitable, and payment to cover living costs until another job has been secured.

NI+ does not have to wait for years for its impact to be felt. It can be set up straightaway. It does not divide people into those struggling with their jobs and those who get benefits for not working. It is about people insuring themselves against the vicissitudes of working life. Variations on the requirements for carrying out work of community value can be set in relation to how much/little paid work one has previously done. The training can be tailor-made in light of the sectors receiving the investment for future expansion. Above all, NI+ gives everyone a meaningful guarantee that they will, from this moment on, have a dependable working life.

The Malevolent Seven

What’s the latest big idea changing the world? What new theory should we be checking out? The fascination with something completely different is understandable. But sometimes, knowing the roots of the challenges we face is just as important.

Take the following seven sets of ideas that originated in the 19^th century, they captivated countless people right through to today, and we should not overlook their significance. 

[1] Free Market Individualism

[championed by Herbert Spencer (1820-1903) and William G. Sumner (1840-1910)]

The idea is that businesses left to buy and sell freely without government interference would compete thoroughly so that the ones with the most to offer would get ahead, and the badly run ones would fall by the wayside. Similarly, individuals would thrive or miss out according to their natural ability. 

In practice, there are always businesses that will, in the absence of proper regulation, exploit workers, deceive customers, and get away with selling harmful products or causing damaging side-effects. Meanwhile, individuals are left without enough to live on, and dwindling demands lead to economic crises.

[2] Nationalism

[championed by Heinrich von Treitschke (1834-1896) and Charles Maurras (1868-1952)]

The idea is that one’s country will demonstrate its military strength over others, and everyone can feel proud about belonging to a powerful nation that nobody dares to withhold a due show of deference.

In practice, jingoistic folly leads one’s country to costly military misadventures. Even in cases where one’s army succeeds in defeating others, it foments resentment and resistance, draining resources and wasting lives in deplorable campaigns.

[3] Anarchism

[championed by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-65) and Mikhail Bakunin (1814-76)]

The idea is that without being restricted by government controls, people will work out by themselves what they should do, how they are to relate to each other, and everyone will share resources and help each other in the best possible way.

In practice, in the absence of any enforceable conflict-resolution mechanism, disagreement descends into chaos. No one wants to step forward lest they are accused of trying to dominate others, and the power vacuum persists until someone by force imposes their will on everyone else.

[4] Communism

[championed by Karl Marx (1818-83) and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895)]

The idea is that a revolutionary vanguard will put an end to an inherently unworkable economic system, and set up a new society where the interests of workers will shape all policies and arrangements.

In practice, the vanguard will in the name of the revolution hold on to absolute power, devise economic arrangements which will benefit a minority, and persecute anyone who dares question the new regime.

[5] Amoralism

[championed by Nietzsche (1844-1900)]

The idea is that one should discard all conventional moral codes, ignore what others have to say about good and evil, and one would then be able to strive to become the best possible version of oneself.

In practice, anyone who rejects moral sensibilities will act solely on the basis of what they want for themselves. They dismiss concerns for the suffering of others, refuse to cooperate for any common good (which for them, cannot possibly exist), and respect only their own ego.

 

[6] Technocratic Scientism

[championed by Auguste Comte (1798-1857)]

The idea is that a group of scientific experts can be entrusted with governing society because they have the abilities to work out the solutions to any problem, and how to implement them.

In practice, science is a fallible enterprise, and without objective checks by others, and openness to revisions, a closed group can commit serious errors. Authoritarian regimes have had privileged groups of technocrats with decision-making powers in certain policy areas (eugenics, dam building, etc) with calamitous results.

[7] Religious Fundamentalism

[championed by Charles Hodge (1797-1878), A. C. Dixon (1854-1925) and R. A. Torrey (1856-1928)]

The idea is that a detailed and accurate reading of holy texts will lead one to grasp precisely what God wants people to do, and one can then be absolutely certain that acting on that understanding has God’s total backing.

In practice, people continue to have different interpretations of sacred books, but some who have come to believe that they alone know what God thinks begin to impose their ideas and practices on others regardless of the distress and suffering they cause them.