Cooperation 101: lessons in co-existence

If people don’t learn why and how we should secure healthy co-existence, society suffers.

The key question is how we are to relate to others who can affect our wellbeing. And there are basically four different approaches which may be adopted:

[A] Cooperative Co-existence: mutual concern & support

Be concerned for others’ wellbeing, and be prepared to support them as one would want others to be concerned and supportive towards one. The whole community is stronger because its members are cooperative with one another for the sake of ensuring everyone has a fair chance to live a fulfilling life.

[B] Oppressive Co-existence: conflict & domination

Put one’s interests above those of others, and use whatever means necessary to make others serve one’s goals. Aim to fight (by force or by economic means) and defeat others, and consider being able to take advantage of others the only worthy aim.

[C] Parasitic Co-existence: manipulative exploitation

Pretend to respect cooperative arrangements, but seek to break the rules, cheat, and manipulate others so that one can make gains from others without them realising what one is up to. 

[D] Individualistic Co-existence: self-regarding indifference

Consider everyone’s wellbeing their own business, and shun collective arrangements as inherently unacceptable. Ignore others except where a particular agreement can bring tangible benefits to oneself.

Now [B] would be the chosen stance of totalitarians, theocrats, fascists, communists, militarists, who want to impose their rule on others, and make everyone else live in a way that fits with how they want things to be. [C] would be the approach of free-riders who may say all kinds of thing in public, but will not hesitate in private to trick, steal, or by any means take unfair advantage of others. [D] would be the path for libertarians, anarchists, and rampant individualists who reject all rules and regulations they have not personally endorsed, regardless of the implications for others. Unless we want to head towards social disintegration via [B], [C], or [D], we would need to nurture and strengthen [A] – inculcating mutual concern and support from early age, and sustaining it through lifelong learning.

This will involve the following core elements to be taught:

·      Reciprocity and the mutual responsibility that entails: 

Teaching the golden rule – highlight the importance of treating others as one would have others treat one; make sure all are disposed to be respectful and caring, and displace hateful prejudices; realise that everyone must take responsibility for the foreseeable consequences of their actions; and value support arrangements that will help whoever is in need.

·      Objectivity and the cooperative enquiry that requires: 

Teach open reasoning – assessment of what is to be believed should be based on exchange of evidence and coherent arguments; no unquestionable doctrine (religious or ideological) can be invoked to justify any assertion; anyone with relevant information should be allowed to contribute to deliberations; and provisional findings are subject to future revisions.

·      Inclusivity and the citizen participation that demands: 

Teach power sharing – explain the danger of power being concentrated in one or a few; wealth and other resource inequalities must be minimised to curtail power gaps; collective power is pragmatically necessary but must be democratically accountable; limits on different forms of power should be set to protect all; and deliberative engagement is essential.

Illiberal populism and plutocratic manipulation have gained grounds because too many people are unaware that allowing the unscrupulous to fan distrust and hate, spread lies and distortions, and accumulate vast wealth and power to dictate terms to others, means that insecurity and oppression will destroy any chance for healthy co-existence. 

Under the rubric of ‘personal and social education’ or ‘citizenship education’, we must start teaching why and how we should strengthen cooperative co-existence.

Remembrance of Policies Past

So many politicians forget that if you don’t engage citizens in assessing and responding to public issues, and treat them as mere supplicants, mistrust and mistakes will follow. 

When I was made Head of Civil Renewal under the Labour Government back in 2003, a key challenge was to find out why despite the substantial investment and support the government had given to public services across the board, people’s confidence in many of those services was still lagging behind.

For example, fear of crime remained high in many areas where crime rates had actually fallen; there was frustration with how ‘little’ was being done in areas which were undergoing substantial regeneration; there was scepticism about health improvement when provisions were becoming better than ever; and overall, people felt they had barely any control over public decisions that affected their lives.

It turned out the clue was in the last item on that list – the lack of efficacy. When people sense that they have no real influence over decisions that are made for them, they cannot help but wonder if those decisions truly reflect their concerns. And this doubt is exacerbated by decisions which turn out to be flawed precisely because they had been made without involving people who had relevant views to contribute.

The remedy, we concluded, was to develop more extensive community engagement. What that meant was NOT tokenistic consultation exercises with dry questionnaires or drab public meetings. What we promoted, under the banner of ‘Together We Can’, was a wide range of approaches that helped people learn and deliberate about the issues in question, enabled them to question and reflect on the evidence and options, offered them a chance to express their preferences having heard what others had to say, and provided them with feedback so that further adjustment could be made in the light of preliminary steps being taken.

In areas where such approaches were taken forward with proper support and experienced facilitators, the evidence was clear – trust in public bodies’ actions went up, satisfaction with outcomes rose, relationships between state agencies and the public improved, cost effectiveness increased with fewer mistakes being made, and objectives set with citizens’ input more readily achieved.

One would think that progressive politicians returning to power would build on this and ensure that citizens are deliberatively involved in developing the policies needed to deal with the problems piled up by years of misrule. But what we have seen so far is virtual amnesia on the community involvement front. Policies are announced with no citizen engagement, and their unpopularity is cited as their necessity. This is not the way to build democratic support or confidence. 

Difficult decisions can be reached, so long as the people affected by them have a fair chance to participate, learn, and influence them constructively. What might otherwise be unpopular could be revised as something also tough, but owned by communities.

Politicians who think the only way to deal with difficult problems is to keep the public away from deliberating about them, are likely to be keeping themselves away from the public who will see them as remote and uncaring. They should remember the lessons we learnt from ‘Together We Can’. Otherwise, isolated they’ll lose.

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A general guide to the resources relating to Together We Can is available at: https://hbtam.blogspot.com/2019/07/together-we-can-resource-guide.html

More specific materials can be found in relation to: Civic Pioneers (on local authority support for developing effective engagement practices), Take Part (on active learning for citizen participation), Guide Neighbourhoods, (on facilitating exchange of ideas across neighbourhoods for influencing public bodies), and Together We Can (on policies developed by different government departments).

Familiarity Breeds Connections

There are people who, because they lacked the opportunity when they were young to experience trusting, positive interactions with members of certain groups (characterised by ethnicity, gender, religion, etc), end up becoming distrustful, even instinctively resentful, towards those groups in general. They do not feel comfortable at the thought of being near people from those groups. Eventually, what is uppermost in their minds is segregation – keep immigrants away, keep ‘aliens’ out of their neighbourhoods, keep women from the workplace, keep gays out of the army, etc. 

To make things worse, there are charlatans who seek to make their political fortunes from stoking the fear and animosity of the segregation-minded, and many of them have won electoral backing with their ‘populist’ offer of racism, misogyny, and homophobia. 

Instead of conceding to their agenda of dividing people into an ill-defined ‘us’ and a prejudice-filled ‘them’, we should support the widening and deepening of human connections. The more opportunities people have to become familiar with each other, to see one another as having similar emotions, of capable of sharing experiences, of working together, the more immune they are to lies and distortions spread about ‘others’.

But how can this be done? Isn’t it so much pie in the sky? In reality, there are numerous ways – tried and tested – that can promote positive familiarity. Here are four types that should be more widely utilised.

First of all, at the most basic level, there are simple ‘meet and greet’ events. For example, intergenerational functions bringing young and elderly people together, with a few tasty snacks and drinks, have helped to turn mutual suspicion into friendly exchange and support. Neighbourhood gatherings have enabled people who have not known each other’s cultures or customs to share different types of food and music, and get to know and appreciate one another.

Secondly, there are many ways to arrange for people with diverse backgrounds to work together on a common task. Cooperative school projects have proven to get young people to go from viewing ‘newcomers’ as interlopers to regarding them as valued teammates. Community activities – from local clean-up to collective monitoring for safety concerns – build trust and appreciation among those who were otherwise strangers.

Thirdly, we have considerable evidence on how deliberative decision-making techniques can help overcome disagreement. Planning for Real, for example, has made it possible for residents who had very different views about how their local area should be altered or regenerated, to exchange ideas constructively with the help of a 3-D model of the area, and move towards a consensus of their own making. Participatory Budgeting allows people to present and consider explanations to and from each other regarding competing options to spend public money, and consider with shared understanding which options to revise/support.

Last but not least, even where people have had relationships broken because one has actually hurt another, or both sides have been drawn into a violent conflict, restorative justice sessions or reconciliation commissions have contributed to mending shattered trusts, and reconnecting people – by facilitating in-depth discussions so that those involved can have a real chance to explore pain, remorse, new commitments, and hope.

Keeping people apart is all segregationists know – for them, walls maintain ignorance, distrust, susceptibility to anger and hate.  Familiarity, on the other hand, breeds connections. Countless case studies attest to their impact on bringing people together, leading to enhanced understanding, trust, and cooperation.

The Morality of Retaliation

Imagine someone from a building goes across town to a quiet neighbourhood and throws a grenade into a house, killing three people inside. The survivors in the house and their neighbours then set off with guns and bombs and head towards the building where the culprit is known to live.  They are told that a few people there might be friends of the killer, but the vast majority of the building’s residents have nothing to do with him. Nonetheless, consumed by the desire for vengeance, the now heavily armed group launch an all-out attack on the building, killing hundreds of defenceless people – children amongst the innocent victims. They insist that they just want to make sure the original murderer does not escape, and they cannot be blamed for the deaths they cause.

No government in the world, or any sane person for that matter, would for one moment accept what the killing mob have done as a legitimate response to what had previously happened, or tolerate it, let alone help them commit such atrocities.

Imagine now some terrorists have taken control of a county in the UK or the US. They declare themselves the administrator for that county, and one day they launch missiles at X, a foreign country, killing thousands of people there because they hate X.  The government of X announces its retaliation plan which involves shooting, bombing, starving, hundreds of thousands of people in the terrorist-run county.  The vast majority of those who are to be killed as a result do not support the terrorists, they do not support the launching of the missiles at X, they just want to live in peace. But in the name of hunting down the terrorists, the government of X keeps escalating their military actions even as dead bodies of innocent victim keep piling up.

What should be done?  The terrorists who launched deadly missiles should be brought to justice, certainly. What about the vengeance-seekers who order the mass killing of innocent people in that unfortunate county? Should they be aided with more guns and weapons? Or should they be stopped from taking even more lives?  

If we were residents of X ourselves, we might be caught up in the shock and anger, and if someone says with the press of a button, the terrorists responsible would be erased from the face of the earth, we might be all for pressing it. But what if that would cause the deaths of hundreds of thousands of innocent people as well – would we still want that button pressed?

Think now of being stuck in the cursed county. The people in control make all kinds of outrageous decisions. There’s nothing we can do. Nobody outside is going to help us. Instead, when the murderous people in charge set about killing people in another land, we get caught up in the retaliation and face being shot and bombed because there is nowhere else we can go.

Sometimes it is difficult to determine if an act is morally wrong or not.  Then there are times when it is the easiest thing in the world to recognise that killing hundreds of thousands of innocent people is unforgivably evil.

Fake & Furious: the politics of hate

When Islamic extremists commit acts of violence, right-wing politicians declare it’s all down to Islam being what it is. But when racist extremists commit acts of violence, right-wing politicians ignore racism, and tell us to focus on the ‘real’ underlying causes (by which they mean ‘immigration’).

So how is immigration causing racist violence? Is it because foreign students are paying higher fees to study at our universities and thus help sustain the higher education sector which has been severely underfunded by the government? Is it because carers come from abroad to provide the much-needed support for our frail and elderly population? Is it because the NHS only functions thanks to the dedicated work of doctors and nurses who have moved here? Is it because immigrants pay taxes that contribute to our public finance?

It turns out it’s not immigration, but the negative perception of immigration that is connected to racist extremism. And what causes that negative perception? Here are four main factors: 

[1] Hate-carriers

There are people who are plagued by an emotional void that can only be filled by directing hate at a group of scapegoats. When they pick on immigrants, it gives them a sense of superiority. By being hurtful about people they can falsely depict in negative ways, they feel better about themselves. They then set about infecting others with hate, and rejoice in their twisted camaraderie. 

[2] Scapegoat-hunting politicians

There are politicians whose priority is to help the rich and powerful. They lower taxes for the wealthy, deregulate for large corporations, and underfund public services. Then in order to deflect public discontent, they tell people to fear and resent immigrants and refugees, and blame immigration for the problems caused by privatisation and austerity.

[3] Enemy states 

From fuelling anti-EU rage to stoking riots, Russian-linked activities are known to have been promoted to destabilise the UK. By spreading lies about immigrants and refugees, stirring up anger and hate, enemy states sharpen social divisions in our country. Ironically, many self-styled nationalists on the Right in the US and Europe have become pro-Russia because they welcome their support in demonising immigrants.

[4] Social media profiteers

Profiteering owners of social media platforms are well aware that in enabling people to send messages anonymously to spread false information, promote racial hatred, and incite violence, they are causing psychological and physical damages to countless innocent people. But they continue to prioritise their profit-making at the expense of others’ suffering.

If we are to tackle the causes of negative perception of immigration, we need to deal with the four factors outlined above. Hate-carriers need to be isolated from infecting others. Their attempts to radicalise those susceptible to such manipulation should be tracked and stopped. Scapegoat-hunting politicians should be exposed for their insidious agenda to weaken public services and mislead people into blaming immigrants. Enemy states’ role in promoting anti-immigration lies and propaganda must be widely flagged up so people can see where the real threats are coming from. And social media profiteers will only take their responsibility seriously if they are sufficiently and swiftly fined for allowing hate-mongering to flourish through their platforms.

To get tough on racist extremism, we do indeed have to get tough on the causes of racist extremism.

Is Englishness Your Cup of Tea?

Some people are worried that the notion of England and symbols such as the flag of St George might have become too closely associated with a form of intolerant nationalism; and that it would be better to speak of Britishness rather than Englishness. 

Then there are those who insist that being ‘English’ is all about colonialism, imperialism, and class oppression.  And one should only mention it in an apologetic tone and never express Englishness with pride.

But surely how a national culture is defined cannot be left to people who try to hijack it for their own jingoistic fantasies, or to those who can see nothing but torturous nightmares in its history. Of course England, like any other nation, has good and bad elements. Yet while we should condemn wrongful deeds and prevent their recurrence, we should also celebrate the momentous and the inspirational.

When we reflect on our Englishness, what shines out?

Our capacity for integration. From the arrival of the French Normans in 1066, intermingling with Celts, Angles, Saxons, Danes, to subsequent enrichment with people from Scotland, Ireland, Wales, the Netherlands, other parts of Europe, Africa, the Caribbean, the Indian sub-continent, the Far East – giving us an incomparable cultural richness.

Our firm stand against arbitrary rule and oppression. We produced the Magna Carta in 1215; we rid ourselves of two unacceptable monarchs in the 17^th century; we abolished the slave trade in 1807; we resolutely fought the Nazis and fascists; and through the guidance of our MP for Liverpool West Derby, we helped to establish the European Convention for Human Rights (ratified in 1953).

Our inventiveness in creating a better society. Look back on the reformists who improved factory working conditions, and advanced public health; cooperative pioneers who shared returns more equitably; innovators in community land trusts to widen access to housing; and the politicians who created the National Health Service.

Our internationalist and compassionate outlook. We co-founded the United Nations. England is home to Eglantyne Jebb and Dorothy Buxton who founded Save the Children in 1919; to the establishment of Oxfam (Oxford Committee for Famine Relief) in 1942; and to Peter Benenson who set up Amnesty international in 1961.

Our scientific heroes. Francis Bacon and the Royal Society he inspired; Isaac Newton and the laws of physics; Charles Darwin and natural selection; Michael Faraday and electromagnetism; Francis Crick and the genetic sciences; Tim Berners-Lee and the World Wide Web. To name but a few.

Our creative geniuses. William Shakespeare, Henry Fielding, Jane Austen, George Eliot, Charles Dickens, H. G. Wells, Agatha Christie, George Orwell, Arthur C. Clarke, the list of writers alone goes on and on. Then there are the incredible filmmakers – Alfred Hitchcock, David Lean, Danny Boyle, Carol Reed, Ridley Scott, Christopher Nolan; the painters, the sculptors, the television show creators, the composers, and the great bands such as the Beatles, the Rolling Stones, the Who, the Kinks, Led Zeppelin, Black Sabbath, Genesis, Pink Floyd, the Specials, Queen, U2, Blur, etc.

What appeals to some of us may not appeal so much to others. But then again, diversity is a recurring feature of English achievements. We can each mix and match to come up with our own favourite brew of Englishness – to savour and to praise.

It’s ‘BAD’: Brexit Affliction Denial

It’s BAD, really BAD – we’re talking about Brexit Affliction Denial.

The 2024 UK elections have witnessed the disturbing political denial of one of the most calamitous acts of national self-harm to have taken place in a western democracy. The Conservative and Labour parties competed over who can say the least about Brexit – it was the dullest 0-0 draw in the history of electoral contest. The Liberal Democrats once made re-joining the EU a key part of their electoral platform, but this time round, they kept it very low key indeed (See Note 1).

With neither the Conservatives nor Labour prepared to address the many problems created by Brexit, one wonders if anything will ever be done about them by those in power. Worse still, in not speaking out about the severe damages it caused, they have allowed those who thrive on peddling Brexit delusions to carry on with their lies and misinformation.

Perhaps politicians are unduly worried that being honest about Brexit would lose them support. But as of May 2024, just 31% of people in Great Britain thought it was right to leave the EU, while 55% thought the decision was wrong [https://www.statista.com/statistics/987347/brexit-opinion-poll/]. According to an Opinium poll taken at the end of 2023, only 10% of those surveyed believed leaving the EU had helped their personal financial situation, while 35% said it had been bad for their finances; 9% believed Brexit had been good for the NHS, and 47% were convinced it had a negative impact on the health service; and barely 7% thought it had helped keep prices low in UK shops, compared with 63% believing it was a significant factor in both the ongoing cost of living crisis and in fuelling inflation. [https://www.euronews.com/2023/12/31/has-brexit-been-a-failure-a-majority-of-brits-think-so]

And it's not just a matter of subjective views. Objective analysis of the impact of the trade barriers which Brexit has landed the UK with in doing business with the EU, shows that the UK exports were £23billion down each quarter compared with its earnings had it stayed in the EU – a GDP reduction of 4-5% [https://www.cer.eu/insights/brexit-four-years-answers-two-trade-paradoxes]. According to a detailed study by Cambridge Econometrics, as a result of Brexit, the average Briton was nearly £2,000 worse off in 2023, and reduced export opportunities meant there were nearly two million fewer jobs overall in the UK [https://www.london.gov.uk/new-report-reveals-uk-economy-almost-ps140billion-smaller-because-brexit].

In terms of business investment, which is vital for economic health, researchers at the Bank of England, using a large survey of business in the UK, estimated that it was 23% lower than it would have been in 2020/21 due to Brexit [https://www.economicsobservatory.com/how-has-brexit-affected-business-investment-in-the-uk]. In Scotland, it was found that as food price inflation reached a 45-year high, Brexit was responsible for a third of that rise [https://www.gov.scot/news/counting-the-impact-of-brexit/]. In Wales, the overall loss to the Welsh budget amounted to over £1billion [https://www.gov.wales/written-statement-loss-funding-wales-result-uk-governments-arrangements-replacement-eu-funding].

As for the wild claims about Brexit was needed to stop people trying to come to settle in the UK, before Brexit when the UK was part of an EU scheme which ensured unauthorised migrants to the UK could be returned to the first safe EU country they had entered, there was not one case of small boat crossing to the UK with asylum seekers. After Brexit, the UK severed cooperation with the EU, and refugees desperate to get to the UK had no choice but to risk their lives to get across by sea. The numbers then grew from the low hundreds in 2018 to tens of thousands in 2023 [https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/sep/15/small-boats-industry-science-brexit-made-our-lives-worse].

There are some who cling to their beliefs that Brexit has enabled the UK to do things like rolling out the Covid vaccine quickly, but that was something the UK could actually have done as a member of the EU. Then there are claims about the odd trade deals the UK has made on its own without having to go through the EU, but the tiny gains these brought pale into insignificance compared with the substantial trade that had been lost with our former EU partners, and they have come with having to make considerable concessions that we would not even have to contemplate as part of the much more powerful EU negotiating bloc.

The ultimate indictment of Brexit Affliction Denial comes from the fact that across Europe, the previously vocal EU-sceptics – in France, Italy, the Netherlands, etc – have all stopped advocating pulling their country out of the union. They know how bad it is.

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Note 1: The SNP having to only think about voters in anti-Brexit Scotland, and the Greens with a chance of winning in just a few pro-EU areas, both talked about reconnecting with the EU; while Reform (formerly known as the Brexit Party) simply doubled-down with more fabrications about the wonderful life that would come from being even more anti-Europe, anti-immigration, and anti-minorities.